The contours of the French Strike
movement |
The
aftermath of the global financial crisis has led to a wave of attacks
on working-class living standards in Europe and North America and a
massive redistribution of wealth in favour of the rich. France
has been a locus of resistance to the austerity sweeping Europe as
millions of workers and thousands of students have mobilised against
attacks on pension rights. President
Sarkozy’s proposal to raise the minimum retirement age from 60 to 62
and the age when retirees can get full benefits from 65 to 67 has been
passed by the country’s Assembly and Senate, but still faces resistance
on the streets and in workplaces. Socialist
Alternative’s Liam Ward spoke to John Mullen, an activist in the New
Anti-capitalist Party in France, about the struggles across the country.
What
is the background and context to the attacks on pensions? Sarkozy
is the latest card of the French ruling class and has been trying
really hard to roll back working conditions across the board. The big
moments have been the huge tax cuts for the rich a couple of years
back, a rise in racist legislation and an attempt to build a
scapegoating atmosphere against gypsies, against Muslims, against
undocumented workers; there have been more expulsions than ever. This
latest attack is an attempt to make everybody work two years longer in
order to get their state pension. State pensions in France have been
relatively well defended by the workers’ movement. Sarkozy decided now
was the time to really push it through; it is the flagship reform for
him. He was hoping to get the union movement down and inflict a huge
defeat which would demoralize the whole movement
– which the French workers’ movement has not yet had. Unfortunately for
him he got more than he bargained for in response. Can
you take us through how the struggle developed? The
national union confederations called for a series of days of action.
What was new was that all of the union confederations, including the
most moderate, were wanting a fight because Sarkozy was refusing to
even talk to them, to even give minor concessions to win over the most
right-wing unions. This
unity meant massive days of action. There were a couple before the
summer and
there have been seven since the beginning of September. Every time
there have been millions of people on the streets. On the last Thursday
in October there were demonstrations in 266 towns. One town of 30,000
people had eight and a half thousand on the demonstration; absolutely
massive demonstrations. Then
whole
sections of workers in the last four weeks have been moving into
renewable strikes between the days of action – there have been cash
delivery drivers in this kind of action,
street cleaners, dockers, library workers, museum workers,
firefighters, nuclear power station workers, bus drivers, airport
workers, engineering factory workers, theatre workers and insurance
workers. In addition to that there were all twelve oil refineries in
the country which were on strike. This
movement is incredibly popular. Seventy per cent of the whole
population support it – eighty-odd per cent of manual workers and
very high numbers of young people. I have never seen mass strikes so
popular. The journalists were really working hard to find somebody who
was blocked in a railway station to denounce the strikes, but they had
great
difficulty with that. There were a lot of spontaneous actions :
blocking
motorways, blockading the oil refineries, blocking main roads and so
on. There was more and more of that going on, again with wide support
from the population. The
lorry drivers were interesting - they are not directly concerned, they
have a separate
agreement on pensions, but they said, “Well all of the support staff of
our transport companies, they’re all women and they’re not covered by
our special agreement; we’re going to get involved in this struggle in
solidarity with them.” At
the same time there are varied levels of confidence. Just up the road
from me there are two schools : one on strike the other not. In
many places people would come out on the days of action but in between
times
don’t feel the confidence, don’t feel that they can take action. Can
you outline the role that students have played? Everybody
was very excited when the students began moving, because of 2006, when
the First Employment Contract plan of the government to give bad
working conditions to all young adults was defeated. Even after it had
been voted by both houses of parliament it was destroyed by a massive
movement led by the students, so that was an historic victory that
got rid of the Prime Minister at the time. They
moved a little more slowly this time but by November, a dozen of the
most radical universities were on strike, many of them blockaded. This
had to be carefully organised: you don’t blockade your university when
there are only 50 of you – you wait until you have a mass meeting so
the vote represents something. When you have blockaded, that can
encourage staff to come out on strike because they have the time to
have a mass meeting and also include students. They are not missing
classes because there aren’t any classes. In this context, a whole new
generation of
activists is being formed. We
have got up to 20 universities blockaded, which is a quarter of the
number of universities in France – but they are among the biggest
universities. Not all universities got to that point. At my university
we never got beyond getting half my colleagues on strike. We were quite
pleased with that but we weren’t at the vanguard of the movement. It’s
very different from one university to another. And
it wasn’t just university students? High
school students started first this time. High school students are not
stupid. The general unemployment rate in the country is nine and a half
per cent – and this is the official rate, which is an underestimate.
For young people under 25 it’s 23 per cent. The young high school
students, 15, 16, 17 years old, thought “If our parents have to work
for two years more that’s two more years there won’t be a job for us.” The
government ministers came out saying, “Fifteen years old is much too
young to demonstrate, they don’t know what they are doing.” This is a
government that puts people into prison at 13 if they are found guilty
of a crime; their minister proposed last year that it be lowered to 12.
They will put people in prison at 12 but they are “too young to
demonstrate”. That really riled the high school students and at one
point you had a thousand high schools involved in the action. They
learned so much. They
set up some amazing alliances: in Rennes, together with lorry drivers
they blocked
the bus depot. The riot police then came along and gassed them. Then
the bus
drivers went on strike as they all got gassed as well! This
started on the initiative of the trade union confederations, but what
is the relationship between the rank and file and the leadership? Without
the trade union leaderships there wouldn’t be a movement, but if we
follow the trade union leaderships we will lose. You have got this
situation where the union leaders were not controlling the movement:
all these blockaded motorways and oil refineries and renewable strikes.
The vast majority of the trade union leaders did not support or try to
do anything to generalise the strike. We have a rank and file
relatively independent from the union leaders, but no alternative
national leadership. We
don’t have an organisation that has sufficient legitimacy to be able to
go over the heads of the union bureaucracy and say “We are going to
have a general strike, a general renewable strike even though the union
leaders don’t want it.” So the national union leaders are still a great
limiting factor and they get worse as the struggle goes on. Also
there have been rank and file mobilising committees by town. In my town
every midday, the mobilising committee of striking workers from
different sectors (mostly the public sector but also some private
sector) would meet and they would go out and leaflet, talk to the
cashiers at the supermarket then leaflet in front of the big banks and
really try to get it out within the town. You
had the embryo of an alternative organisation, but it is embryonic,
present in
certain towns and not in others. I phoned a teacher friend recently and
she was having coffee with the oil workers, which is just not what she
would do on a normal day, so there’s a tremendous building of class
relations and class consciousness. Really the biggest move
forward in 20 years in that area. The
crisis that has bought on this struggle is global. Is there an
awareness of the common interests of workers across Europe? There
have been demonstrations of solidarity outside the French embassy in
Greece and in Belgium; and I think the best story is from Belgium.
Lorries and tankers from France were coming across the border to break
the strike by buying diesel and other oil products from Belgium. The
Belgian workers organised to blockade oil depots and some of the petrol
depots in solidarity with the French workers, which was tremendous.
There is an organisation called the French-Belgium solidarity which has
called on trade unionists to boycott the products of French companies
where the strike is going on. Are
there positive stories you want to share with socialists and trade
unionists here in Australia? The
heroes and heroines of this strike are the people like the school
canteen workers in Marseilles. They were among the very first to
declare a renewable strike; and then went around talking to other
workers, explaining about their working conditions. Quite often they
have to work from 6 to 9 in the morning, then from 12 to 3 and then
from 5 to 7 – totally split-up shifts; very, very hard work for very
low wages. So I think the heroes and the heroines are very ordinary
people who weren’t necessarily even in their union last year. I think
that is very important. A
story that inspired me particularly involved philosophy teachers. The
committee of philosophy teachers of Lille organised collections to
support the oil workers, and I thought that is a great symbol of what
is possible when workers get an idea of their common interest.
Something that happened to me the other day as well: one of my
colleagues (not particularly left-wing) said, “Oh well, we should have
a collection to give money to the street cleaners who are on strike.” A
lot of university lecturers don’t even realise there are street
cleaners, you know. There is a great feeling that the working class is
at the centre of things, people are taking notice of it. That was
really very, very inspiring. What
is your impression of the situation at the moment, and where the
movement is headed? It’s
very, very exciting; there were very excited people at the
demonstration the other day, thousands of people running along the
Boulevard chanting “general strike.” I haven’t seen this for 20 years. The
law has gone through the two houses of parliament and there is a period
of only weeks before it gets validated by all the institutions. So the
union leaders are saying the struggle must continue for the moment, but
at the same time many of the union leaders are definitely looking to
winding it down and moving on to something else. One of the most
moderate union leaders has proposed to the bosses’ organisation to
negotiate about working conditions for older workers. Saying that now
means “Let’s abandon the struggle.” It’s
hard to say how it all will play out, but it has to be said it is quite
possible that Sarkozy will not move back on the pensions. It may well
be that the pension will go through but we have a new kind of workers’
movement with more explosions soon. Will Sarkozy back off for a while
because he was terrified? Or will he say “It’s now or never and let’s
move onto the next attack straight away”? I can’t say. In
terms of how revolutionaries intervene in this, the activists from the
New Anti-capitalist Party (NPA) have been very good I think. Everywhere
they were pushing for a democratic decision to renew the strike or go
as
far as possible. But
there is really a need to build a national political response, and I
think the NPA has not been so good on that. There haven’t been meetings
in every town on topics like “The lessons of 1968”, “Can there be
another ’68?”, or “Why won’t the union leaders go further?” We
need meetings giving a political response and political explanations,
so that whether the movement wins or loses people know why, what to do
next, and why at the end of the day it’s a workers revolution that is
going to be necessary. That is something that is rather weak at the
moment, but we are working on it.
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