France:
One year after Sarkozy’s defeat: an anticapitalist view
One
year ago, in May 2012, we were celebrating the defeat of an arrogant right-wing
president, Nicolas Sarkozy. François Hollande, newly elected, immediately took a thirty per cent wage cut for himself, promised to tax
the rich, give the vote to non-French residents at local elections and take
French troops out of Afghanistan.
How
is it then that one year later, Hollande’s popularity has plunged faster than
anyone thought it would? According to recent polls, only 24% of French people
trust him to change things for the better, a lower score than Sarkozy ever had.
The liberal weekly Le Nouvel Observateur
carried the headline this month: “Is Hollande done for?” Such is the atmosphere
of political crisis that Nicolas Sarkozy, who has kept out of politics for a
year, is thinking of a comeback.
The main reason for all this is Hollande’s seeming
incapacity to do anything effective while unemployment figures are standing at
least eleven per cent (the highest for 14 years), tens of thousands are being
made redundant and living standards are dropping. Also, the recent discovery
that Hollande’s budget minister was himself hiding millions in a Swiss bank
account and lying about it in parliament caused a huge uproar in a country
where distrust of politicians was already at a very high level.
Hollande in the European Union has supported the institution of stricter
rules on budget deficits which are the excuse for ever-harsher austerity
measures in several countries. In France, he is clearly opposed to any real
resistance to ruling class priorities. His government refused a bill which
would have given an amnesty to a number of trade union activists charged with
offences linked to strikes, and last week he declared to 300 businessmen he
invited to his home that the “first duty” of the government was “to stimulate
the entrepreneurial spirit”. While rafts of redundancy plans destroy many
thousands of jobs (in oil, tyres, steel, cars and elsewhere), Hollande insists
there is nothing a government can do about this, since the market is King. He
has ruled out nationalization of industries to save jobs, and the new law he
passed, making it easier for bosses to sack people and harder for workers to
oppose their sackings at an industrial tribunal, was actually initially drafted
by the MEDEF, the bosses’ federation!
Social budget cuts and deregulation continue apace. Reducing the cost of
social services to the ruling class is at the centre of attacks on workers
worldwide : One of Sarkozy’s major victories was to push through a law
which meant people had to work longer for their pension, despite millions going
on strike over the issue. Now, Hollande is already saying more sacrifices “are
necessary” and 76% of French people do not trust the present government “to
guarantee the future of retirement pensions” (which for the moment are
considerably higher than in countries like the UK after Thatcher and Blair). We
are expecting a major government attack on pensions soon.
Reforms
This doesn’t mean that Hollande’s government has not made any reforms in
favour of our class, just that his general policy is in support of the
dictatorship of market priorities. One very important reform was the recent
legalization of gay marriage. This change came mostly, initially, from the
Socialist party itself. Once the Right began organizing enormous demonstrations
against marriage equality, gay organizations mobilized in favour of the law,
and almost all the radical Left moved into action to build the demonstrations.
In other areas, modest reforms have been carried through. A little more
taxing of the rich and better health
insurance for the poorest, for example. The government has hired thousands more
teachers, is opening far more nursery school places and has moved to stop
richer parents choosing more privileged public high schools outside their local
area. They have had more social housing built, limited
some rent rises and improved retirement pensions for those who started work
very young. A ministry for women’s rights has been set up, and women no longer
have to pay part of the cost of an abortion. To please another constituency,
they have reduced taxes for small businesses and given consumer organizations
more power.
On questions of racism, the record is extremely poor. While a law was
passed to make it much easier for foreign students in French universities to
work in France, other even more important promises have been abandoned. Hollande
had said he would make police officers give a receipt whenever they checked
someone’s ID papers in the streets, so as to improve the present situation
where Black and Arab people are often checked several times a week in Paris and
you never see White people being checked. The interior minister, Manuel Valls,
abandoned the idea because he says he trusts the police. As for the right to
vote for immigrants, this promise, first made by the Socialist Party in 1981,
has been abandoned. Meanwhile Valls is carrying out a policy of demolishing
Roma encampments, and the numbers of unauthorized immigrants being given papers
are no higher than under Sarkozy.
Worse still, the government seems keen to use Islamophobia to gain
support. A recent court case where a tribunal found in favour of a woman sacked
from a private crèche because she wore a Muslim headscarf was the excuse for
the president to insist that he would examine the « need » for a law
to stop women wearing headscarves from working with young children ! Interior
Minister, Manuel Valls has declared that “The veil, which stops women from
being what they are, will always be for me, and should be for the French Republic,
something to combat.” In this atmosphere, criminal damage to mosques and to Muslim
cemeteries is becoming commonplace.
Resistance on the industrial front
Faced
with the social-liberal government, the Trade Union leadership is divided. Several
unions have signed away workers’ rights in order to support a
« left » government, while others have been organizing resistance, if
sometimes rather lukewarmly. There have been several radical strikes over the
last year: airline staff, railway workers and television company workers, for
example. An important car factory North of Paris has
seen a strike lasting several months against its closure,
and other fights against redundancies have been highly visible. Local teachers’
strikes against understaffing and arrogant management are not uncommon. And a national
mass one-day strike and demonstration against austerity was well-followed, if
not at the level of five years back. What is sorely
needed are some clear victories for workers in order to inspire further
resistance.
Naturally enough the fascist National Front is hoping to gain from the crisis
and the disaffection with established parties. It has managed to modernize its
image with its new leader, Marine Le Pen, got over six million votes in the
presidentials and intends to use the local elections in 2014 to rebuild its weak
activist organization, which has not yet completely recovered from the
battering it took fifteen years ago from anti-fascist movements, a defeat which
led to a damaging split in the FN. The traditional Right is now deeply divided
over whether to begin alliances with the fascists.
Left Front
Anti-fascist
campaigning is therefore crucial in this period, but only
the rise of a Left alternative can brake the rise in
fascist influence. And indeed, the situation has led to a sharp rise in
political activity by those who don’t think that capitalism can be overthrown
any time soon, but who think radical changes can and should be made through a
combination of trade union and street struggles and electoral politics (that is
to say, there has been a revival of what Marxists usually call Left reformism).
This is what is behind the rise of the Left Front (Front de Gauche), a
political bloc including two big parties - the Communist party and the Left
Party (Parti de Gauche), and six or seven smaller organizations of a few
hundred each, mostly anticapitalist groups and including three organizations
which split one by one from the New Anticapitalist Party over recent years.
Its main spokesperson, Left Party leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon, has
thrilled millions of workers who want to fight with his impressive capacity to
sum up the anger they feel. “Immigrants aren’t the enemy, bankers are!”
he declared, and has several times wiped the smug smiles off the faces of conservative
journalist interviewers with devastating critiques of the political
establishment. “We need to sweep away those in power” he said. Socialist Party
reps accused him of dangerous rhetoric which could only help the far right, but
were left red-faced when Mélenchon brought out a 1930s Socialist Party poster
which carried... exactly the same slogan!
The
Front de Gauche is popularizing, with impressive creativity, proposals for left
reforms in the interests of workers, for example a ban on redundancies in firms
which are making profits. Mélenchon says that social-democracy across Europe
has abandoned the workers’ interests and calls for the establishment of a
maximum salary, retirement at sixty and a big rise in the minimum wage. Around
the country a series of dynamic public meetings and teach-ins keep the
political alternative in the public eye. A major conservative daily newspaper,
Le Figaro, is asking in its readers’ poll this week « Is Jean-Luc
Mélenchon a political danger for François Hollande ».
Naturally,
Mélenchon’s ideas include all the contradictions of wanting radical change
through the state and without social revolution. In particular, he defends the
supposed « positive rôle » of the French army abroad and France’s
position as a nuclear power, and believes in the possibility of a revolution
“through the ballot box”. In the long-term, in the struggle to overthrow
capitalism, no doubt he will not go all the way. But for the moment, the role
he plays is very positive, galvanizing and encouraging both workers’ struggles
and the struggle for a Left alternative on many questions of great importance
for workers.
The Front de Gauche is an umbrella alliance in which each organization
keeps to its own principles. The Communist Party is by far the biggest
component. A contradictory organization, sections of it concentrate on running
town councils and on electoralism, while others are very much involved in trade
union and other resistance actions. The Parti de
Gauche (which split from the Socialist Party in 2009) has become more of a
dynamic activist organization over the last year. It now has 12 000
members and can be seen recruiting students on university campuses, something
the activist Left has not been strong on of late. The smaller organizations which are part of the Front
de Gauche, each with two to five hundred activists, have been working closely
together to form an « anticapitalist pole », an « eco-socialist
current » within the Front de Gauche. A joint bulletin produced by six of
the organizations, including mine, is making this joint work visible.
Taking the Bastille
The Front de Gauche called a mass demonstration for the 5th of May, one
year after Hollande’s election, to demand real left policies, and constitutional
change. The demonstration was led by contingents of trade unionists from recent
and ongoing strikes and found a tremendous echo. Hundreds of coaches came from
around the country. A carnival atmosphere reigned in the Place de la Bastille,
with thousands of placards and posters carrying such slogans as “It’s time for
the people to take power”, “We will not give up”, “Finance markets are the
problem, not the solution” and “Wages are the
solution, not the problem”. Many people carried brooms to represent the need
for a clean sweep of politics and policies. (Photos at http://www.mediapart.fr/portfolios/bastille-nation-un-dimanche-5-mai
). This collective expression of anger was a great success, and must be
only the beginning. Recent dynamic protests against nuclear power and against
the building of a new airport confirm that the desire to fight back is
widespread.
If the Front de Gauche represents right now the centre of gravity of
resistance politics in France, the revolutionary New Anticapitalist Party
maintains significant activist forces. It is considerably smaller than it was a
few years ago, principally because much of its leadership insisted that Left
reformism could not exist or revive and therefore the NPA had nothing to say to
activists close to the Front de Gauche except that the Front de Gauche would
never fight against Socialist Party policies, an opinion which has proved to be
hopelessly out of touch with reality. In a positive move, the NPA participated
in the demonstration on the 5th of May, despite some sectarian articles in its
paper. The other main revolutionary organization in France, Lutte Ouvrière,
denounced the demonstration as “fomenting illusions” in the possibility of
reform from above.
Islamophobia
As
readers are probably aware, Islamophobia, rooted in a very old French Left
tradition of hostility to religious believers, remains rife across all the Left
in France, including the Front de Gauche and the New Anticapitalist party. In
the Parti de Gauche there are several leaders who would like to see Muslim headscarves
banned in workplaces where children are present, for example. The minority of
Left activists who want to fight Islamophobia is however bigger than it was ten
years ago when headscarves were banned from high schools. At Sunday’s
demonstration a « collective of Front de Gauche activists against Islamophobia »
gave out leaflets calling for a rally against further islamophobic legislation.
The
coming months will see if the widespread anger Hollande faces can be
transformed into effective action against government policies and against
redundancies.
John Mullen (Gauche Anticapitaliste activist in the Paris region)